Jun 142013
 
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I’ve just spent two wonderful days in the company of very clever people, at the welcoming hands of the University of Manchester.  Sometimes I felt – from my position as an interested observer and (just about) mere citizen witnessing the event – that some of the English needed translating for my cloth ears.  But even where I struggled to get a handle on some of those terms which escaped me, none of the presentations in question failed to engage in some constructive way.

These were high-powered concepts which matched the serious times we are living.

As you will see from the programme link above, a broad range of subjects was covered.  The deprofessionalisation of mainstream journalism – in particular photo-journalism – and its corresponding issues of ethics and professional integrity linked in quite clearly with the progress which volunteer translator communities had made in the radicalisation – even the overt politicisation – of their labour.  The “crisis readiness” we are all being educated into possessing, that instinct to being prepared to film or snap any and every notable event, in particular those events which occupy the tragic public sphere, neatly engaged with Russian experiences in what was termed “shovel” organisation: the small, localised and politically non-threatening community organisation that has recently begun to accompany not only natural disaster but also relatively impactful man-made and administrative incompetence.

From many of the papers presented, it was clear that those of who occupy spaces in the Western Anglo-Saxon world are barely – if at all – aware of the prejudices we hold: from the mass digitalisation of government documents in Russia to the humongous (and highly active) online participation of the Chinese to the curious state of second-generation immigrants in Italy, the planet as presented through the lenses of these thinkers is never as simple as it looks.

Democracies which treat their citizens like second-class objects of disparaging discourse; one-party states which allow considerable internal dialogue; anarchist groups which organise in such a way as maintain their “brands” and their virtual presences; hierarchical structures which repeat but do not solidify; volunteers who are driven by imbalance to provide contrasting imbalance; worlds where a powerful couplet of bias and its corresponding transparency replaces that ever-so-durable veneer of traditionally institutional “objectivity”.

Frame being so important as it clearly is, we were presented with examples of highly contrasting journalistic practice.  These ranged from citizens in cases of extreme involvement to distancing drone footage attempting to shrug off its surveillance overtones; from overtly biased and authentically stolen moments to manufactured product, clearly pre-packaged and pre-digested primarily for the benefit of bottom lines; from devolving Silicon Valley web instincts to Hollywood-like impulses to teach podcast skills through star-riven trainers.

Essentially, that is, the push and pull between a civic contribution to a broader intelligence and that sliding scale of reward which greater “competence” often chooses to finally demand of the “consumers”.

Where we choose to volunteer, we start out on a journey of societal collaboration.  Where this reverts to being more a case of primarily learning a craft, that old old need to earn a living kicks in.  But in the grey area between one and the other, marvellous things can still be achieved by civic-minded witnesses of events that require mindful empathy.

I’ll be writing in more detail over the next couple of days on a number of the papers thus presented yesterday and today.  In the meantime, here’s a final thought to be going away with: universal education, a glory of latterday progressive societies and perhaps a key reason for the much wider deprofessionalisation of society all of us are manifestly witnessing (from the already-mentioned craft of journalism to teaching to legal practice to even – in Google’s wonderfully weird world of medical search – that doctoring whose bedside manner we thought we would never give up), is no guarantor that progressive behaviours or beliefs will spread.  In fact, universal education is only able to assure us that all parties on all sides of political conflict will become powerfully better at their own particular brands of prejudice.

It is our responsibility, therefore, on understanding that citizen media does not necessarily equal constructive democratisation, to ask ourselves one simple question: what sort of citizens – and therefore what sort of citizen mediators – do we want to become?

And only in defining this answer, and in fixing its location on the spectrum of behaviours the web currently displays, will we ever manage to rescue all the fascinating potential of citizen media from what might otherwise be interpreted (and ultimately seen) as the clutches of a universally educated cruelty.

____________________

Further reading: you might find the abstracts of the papers given of interest.  They certainly make interesting rereading for me, as I strive to sort my way through so many rich and splendid ideas.  A case of a citizen witnessing his own information overload perhaps?

:-)


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Mar 022013
 
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This, from Iceland, on their campaign against online porn, is absolutely spot-on (the bold is mine):

Jónasson’s adviser Halla Gunnarsdóttir told the Guardian this week that the country is “not anti-sex, but anti-violence”, and that “what is under discussion is the welfare of our children and their rights to grow and develop in a non-violent environment”.

As I pointed out recently, sexual abuse is primarily the abuse of power – and any society which criminalises the former should also be prepared to criminalise the latter.  Similarly, the generation of pornography – indeed, the generation of any content which involves the exploitation of people who would not otherwise participate, were their financial, or other, circumstances different – is, above all, an analogous abuse of power.

Iceland’s current move to remove such violence from its children is entirely coherent with earlier reported moves:

The draft legislation follows laws passed in 2009 and 2010 that criminalised customers rather than sex workers and closed strip clubs.

The problem of course, in this particular case, is that the tools which they wish to use involve filtering an open Internet.  Tools which replicate the interventions in human rights that less salubrious regimes across the world are currently using.  Tools which would give these regimes the kind of democratically-stamped approval to continue in their oppressive ways.

A difficult call for everyone who believes in freedom of information.

*

There’s another matter, however, which I’d like to raise in this post: we must accept we live vicarious lives.  From latterday social media to traditional Hollywood films, this commonplace existing through the actions and creations of others is more or less generally accepted.  No one really questions, for example, the right Daniel Craig has to earn a living from the explicit violence of putting imaginary bullets through anonymous bit-parted actors – nor even the creeping-up-behind naked actresses in movie-lit showers of sexual abandon.

Is it fair, then, to say that Daniel Craig and his cohort of stars are being exploited in order to put violence of one kind or another on silver-plattered screens for our repeated delectation and delight?  And if it is fair to say so, should we strive to prevent such processes too?

I’m not really sure we shouldn’t, to be honest – if, that is, we’re really going to get serious about the abuse of power more generally.  Interfering with the freedom of information flow is, undoubtedly, a very big issue.  But so is what I assume to be the increasing exploitation of sex workers as a result of that insatiable content-black-hole that is the worldwide web.

A suggestion then.  Not just a rant.  Maybe it’s time for a new kind of content.  Given that the instinct for sex is about as old as Adam and Eve’s adult teeth, has anyone considered CGI porn as a wider solution to sexual exploitation – and its corresponding abuse of power – which so many people currently find themselves affected by?

How would this work?  Groups of existing sex workers could form officially-sanctioned cooperatives with the right to apply for government-funded training courses.  These courses would serve to train them up in computer-generated film-making.  There would, of course, be strict control over the content – a kind of Hays Code for our time.  Just because the content was computer-generated wouldn’t give the creators the right to reproduce and duplicate in the virtual world the kind of abusive relationships we were aiming to eliminate in real life.

In such a way, the whole balance of power would be altered.  Sex workers could find a gainful living as unexploited, and unexploiting, generators of porn; porn users would be safely educated away from the violent stuff through a plentiful, cheap and consistently benign exposure to non-violent (perhaps even government-subsidised) narrative; and, most importantly, the Internet could then be properly policed as per the canons of the code in question.

Obviously, there would still be significant and unresolved issues: people would almost certainly, for example, not find it easy to agree even on a definition of non-violent porn.  But nothing was ever solved by an overbearing awareness of the challenges.

Technology, in part, got us to the bind we now find ourselves in.  Technology, properly shared out and distributed, and through a generous and intelligence analysis of the whole process involved, could serve to get us out of it.

If only we were prepared to be coherent.


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Mar 262012
 
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I wrote yesterday on the Open Rights Group’s 2012 Conference, held in London on Saturday at the University of Westminster.

Here, now, you can find the keynote speech given by Lawrence Lessig.  Lessig is best known for his work on copyright, but of late his accumulated wisdoms have led him to investigate the real reasons behind the destruction of our democratic discourse.  In the speech you can find below, you will see examples taken from the fields of technology and copyright which – whilst entertaining in themselves and of vast interest to the geekier ones amongst us – have a much greater relevance to the much wider context of general political activity.

Mr Lessig is an obsessive seer of connecting strands.  He understands how our society works by taking many different-angled bites at the apple of our behaviours.  I would beg you, therefore, whether you consider yourself a geek or a politician, to take the time out to see and listen to what he has to say.

His is no longer a discourse limited to the rarefied concepts and theory of copyright law.  He speaks universally – and deserves universal attention.

Many thanks, by the by, for Open Rights Group’s herculean efforts which brought him to British shores this weekend.

Recognizing the Fight We’re In from lessig on Vimeo.


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Aug 102011
 
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We could revisit Blair’s call for more “Education, education, education!”  Only, this time, I’d be inclined to say “Communication, communication, communication!”

Over the past few days, I’ve been arguing the case for seeing the riots in England through the prism of technology.  Most people I’ve seen tweeting on the subject seem to believe the only technology seriously to hand has involved that of lighting fires.
But, in rioting, in the kind of almost-guerilla warfare we’ve seen, organisation is everything.  It seems clear to me that whilst the police – a highly hierarchical and centralised structure as they are – had originally been caught napping in their inability to impose their will (witness what I believe was the original number of around 1,500 officers in London to the current levels of 16,000 just to understand at what cost peace is being bought), the rioters and contra-brigades I described last night have apparently used decentralised peer-to-peer communications, via social media as well as relatively untraceable texting systems such as Blackberry Messenger, to appear and melt away at will.
And there does appear to be a heavy irony in the fact that an encrypted messaging system such as that which the Blackberry is famous for, and originally intended to provide secure means of information exchange for business, should now be turned against those very same corporate bodies.
Anyone who says this is not the old story of sword and shield, of technology versus technology, of electronic intelligence versus electronic intelligence, is therefore burying their head in the sands.
This battle between a centralised state and rioting freebie-hunters is nothing more nor less than a fundamental gear-shift in an ongoing history – a history which is unlikely to terminate very shortly.  That we live in a society where – in most companies – the drivers of greed and free lunches are part of a commonly shared and sanctioned marketing-lore is precisely, exactly, the problem to hand: since Margaret Thatcher, society has moved onwards and upwards in a most insalubrious manner, and these riots and their causes serve only to confirm this reality.
The difference, today, is that the state – highly structured and lumbering as it is – may not in the future be able to guarantee the safety of its citizens.  This may be because what we are witnessing is a new expression of underlying realities, as sketched out above.
It does, in fact, occur to me that what we are witnessing is perhaps a process where Martin Luther King Jr’s “unheard” are finding a much easier way to express their opinions than traditional political exchange allows for.  Representative democracy generally represents those who actively participate anyway.  It’s essentially designed to keep the lid on things such as these.  Which, perhaps, is why – every so often – they flare up as they do.
The pressure-cooker theory of political (dis)engagement.
These riots, then, are simply a way of giving occasional voice to otherwise hidden ways of thinking.
Not all that hidden, either.  We may claim to find resistible the idea that “where there’s free stuff, I want it too”; but, in reality, in our own “peaceful” lives, where have we not given up our date of birth and post code for a cost-of-the-postage T-shirt or a chance for a win on the horses?  The problem with the rioters is they go one step further – and actually break things.  But their mindscapes are really not all that dissimilar from our own.
And until we recognise this, and take onboard its implications, there will be little we can do to remedy the situation.

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Aug 082011
 
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Here’s a thoughtful piece, which won’t easily fit itself into the smart headlines and angles of mainstream media, on what’s really going on in those places where young people seem bent on destruction:

Riots do not resolve the current conflict in London and I do not support violence. However, this is a complex situation for all involved; vulnerable angry young people, local families & business the police trying to keep communities and business from further harm. There are individuals escalating this situation to their advantage to loot local business and earn some ‘quick cash’. In my view what has ‘fuled’ this situation is a death of a local resident, poverty and social exclusion of vulnerable young people. In the north London borough of Haringey youth clubs were shut after the youth services budget was slashed by 75% after a cut of £41m to the council’s overall budget. Hundreds of thousands of young people throughout the UK are affected. Gang experts, MPs and sector workers are warning that these cuts – which have hit youth services harder than any other area of local authority spending, according to the education select committee – could have a serious impact on the safety of young people in urban areas. [...]

I strongly recommend you take some time out to read the rest of this piece from Katie Bacon.

Meanwhile, Diane Abbott MP, tweeted this not long ago (the bold is mine):

Message needs to go out to copycat looters that it’s illegal, immoral and profoundly stupid. Trashing your own community.

And, for many, that’s precisely the mystery of riots – why and how so many people through history have been so prepared to “trash their own community”:

A riot is a form of civil disorder characterized often by disorganized groups lashing out in a sudden and intense rash of violence against authority, property or people. While individuals may attempt to lead or control a riot, riots are typically chaotic and exhibit herd behavior, and usually generated by civil unrest.

Riots often occur in reaction to a perceived grievance or out of dissent. Historically, riots have occurred due to poor working or living conditions, government, oppression, taxation or conscription, conflicts between Ethnic groups, food supply or religions (see race riot, sectarian violence and pogrom), the outcome of a sporting event (see football hooliganism) or frustration with legal channels through which to air grievances.

Meanwhile, Martin Luther King Jr has been quoted as arguing that:

A riot is the language of the unheard.

So if one is indeed involved in doing something as “stupid” as “trashing one’s own community”, desperation of a certain degree must be coursing through one’s veins.  That is to say, a sense of a wider disconnnect of some kind must be taking place somewhere along the line.

And if politicians cannot see that such “stupidity” deserves a more careful, considered and historically couched response than Abbott’s – and I’m pretty sure most if not all will share her flatly expressed sentiments – then the cyclone of destruction is unlikely to tail off in the near future.

New Labour’s decade was often one of amelioration of social deprivation by a socialistic stealth – frequently, in the face of the devil’s pact with Murdochian instincts to be found in much of the wider British press.

The problem, perhaps, being that root causes were never fully dealt with, storing up potential problems for the future when the regime and the mindsets of our leaders might change.

The right-wing response as exemplified by Cameron’s Coalition government, however, and which has preceded the riots now upon us, has been to suddenly cut away the safety nets which New Labour had used to carry out such amelioration, in the Iraqi-like instinct and belief that – in a flash of bold pseudo-libertarian action – a thousand flowers of entrepreneurial activity would suddenly substitute the corporate-statism of early 21st century socialism, and so lead us safely to a seventh heaven of societal process.

But like Iraq, the aftermath was never carefully considered.  The operating of a destructive hollowing-out of the enemy’s achievements was of far more interest to those involved than the tedious question of the practicalities of reconstruction.

Whither now then?  Whilst politicians on both the right and the left continue to consider those wrapped up in those warped behaviours of communal self-harm as “stupid”, the answer clearly is “nowhere”.  Until politicians are brave enough to go beyond simple distancing strategies – strategies almost certainly aimed at disassociating themselves from anything which the media might consider entirely incomprehensible and utterly blameful – we shall not be able to acquire an iota of understanding in relation to the dynamics of the current situation.

For these are not entirely incomprehensible or utterly blameful situations – unless, of course, we wilfully wish to see them that way.

When we see someone with anorexia or bulimia damaging their bodies, we don’t dare to expose them to the epithet of “stupid”.

When communities riot, they are – in a similar way – damaging their body social, cultural and politic in one fell swoop.  They are engaging in the communal self-harm I have already mentioned above.

And this is why we should be big-hearted and intelligent enough to realise that the self-harm which is taking place has its roots in a far more complex reality than the simplistic conclusions  and soundbites of modern me-too political behaviours allow for.

And so to my question, then, at the top of this rather sad post: when trashing his or her own community, is a rioter ever not stupid?  Well, to be honest, if I could choose, I would rather we chose to believe that the lexicon of “stupidity” and “rioters” simply didn’t fit.

For being in that hard place where we believe quite the alternative – that “rioters” and “stupidity” go together like the “state” and “violence” might – is simply too dangerous for our long-term prospects and cohesion as a society which is able and willing to listen to its ever-growing population of the “unheard”.


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Jun 122011
 
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This is interesting.  The New York Times describes it in the following way:

The Obama administration is leading a global effort to deploy “shadow” Internet and mobile phone systems that dissidents can use to undermine repressive governments that seek to silence them by censoring or shutting down telecommunications networks.

It goes on to describe the technologies thus:

Some projects involve technology that the United States is developing; others pull together tools that have already been created by hackers in a so-called liberation-technology movement sweeping the globe.

As I previously pointed out, whilst the robustness of the Internet on a global and statistical scale is not in doubt, the impact and utility it can have at a discrete local level is rather more prone to interference.  As well as, it must be said, identification.

Not what you need when you’re looking to undermine a “repressive” government.

Now although the New York Times – and presumably its sources in the US government – are describing the landscape in question as “liberation technology”, it surely cannot be wrong to refine the terminology in the following way: rather than “liberation technology”, we should be saying “communication theology”.  For when we aim to uncork the genie’s bottle once again – as the American military first did when it created the underlying technologies behind the Internet – we are unleashing not a neutral measure of what freedom means for human beings as a species but, instead, a highly political, highly politicised, understanding of how we should organise our societies.

Don’t get me wrong.  I’m not saying the Americans are wrong in doing what they propose.  On the other hand, I am pointing out that just as the Internet as we have come to know it is the crowdsourced beacon of free expression par excellence, except when dictators and assorted folk decide to shut it down, so this new portable Internet may lead to quite undesirable results in the hands of those selfsame folk.

The story of the sword and the shield was never more apt than now.

So do we really know what we are doing?

And are we sure it won’t be turned against us?
____________________

Update to this post: some thoughtful further reading from James Firth can be found here on this very subject.  Well worth your time.


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Jan 232010
 
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Yes.  Technology equals bad – though not always, of course.  And definitely not in this case.  Some fascinating posts recently from Andrew Regan over at the Poblish.org blog.  This on turning political blogging content into a knowledge base, this on improving the ability of software to understand better the true meaning of such content and this on aggregating all UK strands of online political thought.

So Poblish is finally getting close to making real the idea I had a while ago for a Last.fm of political thought; an academy of thought if you like, a virtual nightschool even (in the manner of those Everyman books from the Thirties perhaps).

Finally, and essentially, a data-mining system which is simultaneously able to preserve, maintain and add to a society’s political DNA and extend its members knowledge of such content.

As well as – in the process, as Andrew quite astutely observes – improving our ability to make decisions.


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