May 052012
 

One of our biggest battles, as we try and think our way out of the mess that New Labour left behind it, is understand and accept exactly that it was pyramid politics itself which became the cause of our problems rather than their solution.

As Adam Bienkov, writing for New Statesman, says of Ken Livingstone today (the bold is mine):

The problem was not Ken’s agenda, but the fact that it was Ken calling for that agenda. The sad truth is that after 41 years in London politics, too many Londoners have simply stopped listening to him. Every politician has a shelf life, a point where voters look at them and coldly decide to give another product a go. For Ken that happened in 2008 and he has spent the past four years failing to come to terms with it.

Now, whilst I’m inclined to agree Bienkov is right in what he says, I’m also inclined to believe he doesn’t have to be right in what he says.

Let me explain.

In the light of the economic crises which have destroyed the standards of living of the vast majority of citizens, we thrash and flail around as we attempt to invent and fashion the idea of a sustainable economics: the sort of thing which doesn’t Big Bang its way onto our horizons, only to contract when we least expect it just as suddenly from our grasps.  No.  Something less dramatic seems to be the tenor of our latterday discourses: something which grows sensibly, sustainably, in accordance with and respectful of the environments we are obliged to operate inside.

A sustainable economics, then, where top people aren’t so top and bottom people aren’t so bottom; where creativity and leadership are allowed to flower at every level; where, indeed, the levels flatten and become as close to a single hierarchy as is practically and sensibly possible.

In times of crisis, we look for such solutions.  Only in times of relative success do we ignore the consistent need for sustainability.

So if we translate this desire to political science, could we contemplate the possibility of a sustainable politics?

Not one based on that Darwinian slant of dog eat dog in unending conflict.  Rather, where modern commercial virtues such as collaboration and teamwork came to the fore of all political activity.

A while ago, I suggested Ed Miliband might be looking for this – even as he tried to negotiate our way out of the bind New Labour had dropped us in; and even as most of us managed to misunderstand those instincts.

In reality, I think, if I interpret them rightly, his instincts are pretty true for a 21st century context.  Both big business and current political practice are still unhappily engineered – at least in part – on the basis of an age-old history of kings, queens, serfs and servants.

What we need now, on the other quite different hand, is a new and sustainable politicking based on the far more democratic ideals of a republic of the voters.

Oct 042011
 

One of the most read pieces on this blog recently was this post, framing Ed Miliband’s recent speech in terms of the reception Alfred Hitchcock’s “Psycho” received on its first showings.  I then suggested that our Red Ed might be turning himself into Ready Eddy.  Meanwhile, Eoin analyses data which suggests voters are happy – where the commentariat huff and puff – for Miliband to turn his back on Blair.  Then, going against the Labour grain perhaps but in line with the aforementioned commentariat, Dan Hodges, over at Labour Uncut, had this to say of Miliband’s week:

We have to understand. We need to grasp what has just happened to the Labour party.

Ed Miliband did not have a bad week. He had a grotesque, cataclysm of a week.

The conundrum gets more involved, though, with this latest research highlighted by Liberal Conspiracy, worth reading in full – and the conclusion to which runs as follows (the bold is mine):

There are two lessons here I think. First, bland centrism doesn’t necessarily mean you get elected. Second, the press is out of touch with public perception of where Ed Miliband and David Cameron politically stand.

As a tangential idea to keep up in the forefront of our erstwhile triangulating political minds, I also like this observation from the same article:

So does this all mean being centrist gets you elected? Not necessarily. The Libdems are placed broadly in the centre by voters, and yet they languish at 11-15% in the polls.
Why? Kellner says:
When we delve into the figures more closely, we see why. Conservative voters dislike him because they think he is left-of-centre – while Labour voters reject him as too far to the right for their taste. These attitudes cancel each other out in Clegg’s overall average.

And so we come to a final re-evaluation of what Ed Miliband might be up to – if, that is, he’s as intelligent and intentioned a politician as I believe he may be becoming.  Again from Labour Uncut – this time, from within the most inner place of Miliband’s own inner circle:

By contrast, and by coincidence, as I made my way out of the hall in Liverpool, I bumped into two very senior business figures. One is a longstanding Labour supporter, who has made millions in private industry. The other has only recently joined the party, having retired from business after decades of running multi-million pound commercial enterprises. Both thought the speech was very good. They enthused about not only its thoughtfulness, but in particular its emphasis on the importance of business as a “wealth creator”, a line used repeatedly in Ed Miliband’s speech.

The author of this latter post – Michael Dugher, Ed Miliband’s own parliamentary private secretary – goes on to argue that:

The truth is it is not “anti-business” to criticise Fred Goodwin or to condemn what a private equity firm did to Southern Cross care homes. Neither is it “anti-business” to say a future Labour government should challenge the big vested interests like the energy companies ripping off consumers. It is the right thing to do.

There is, then, I think sufficient evidence laid out in my post this morning to suggest that:

  1. we are, as in Thatcher’s time, seeing the definitive political downsides of the fearsomely amoral act of triangulation;
  2. Ed Miliband perhaps realises this – and perhaps better than the rest of us right now;
  3. Ed Miliband is getting to the point where we need to seriously re-evaluate his potential as diviner of political dynamics;
  4. the mainstream press and their hangers-on are not necessarily best placed to catch the fluctuating public mood;

For the last point, after all, is precisely why we have politicians in the first place – to capture that public mood accurately and, in the end, democratically.

Politicians can only make their way and their reputations in that fragile conjoining of events and personal actions that is the body politic as a whole.

Which, essentially, means we can only wait and see.

Even as we do our very best to do so with what should be a generous as well as inquiring intelligence.

Sep 292011
 

There’s been a lot of comment on Ed Miliband’s speech the other day.  My own reactions have been mixed.  I first saw it in terms of a conversation rather than a declamation.  Then I interpreted what I called a soundpeck – “something for something” – as an example of Miliband turning his back on the very long tradition of socialist altruism (“from each according to their ability, to each according to their need”) (though I imagine someone out there will point out that such an idea has nothing to do with altruism).

A lot of the negative comment seems to focus not only on the content of the speech but – perhaps “more importantly” – its delivery.  And I wonder if there aren’t comparisons which we can make with new art and literature – and their initial reception.  Don’t you ever remember having the experience of seeing a film or reading a book – and not being able to quite capture its wavelength?  One dear example I recall is the brilliant film “White Hunter Black Heart”, whose critical reception was almost as high as it can get but whose box office performance was pretty dismal.  I recall the film so well precisely because I watched it with my wife – and her response was: “How slow!”  Yet, I luxuriated in its measured rhythm; and its references to John Huston and “The African Queen” were a movie buff’s delight.

I’m sure it is a film which will stand the test of time.

Another piece of industrial art which had the exact opposite initial reaction is Hitchcock’s “Psycho”:

Initial reviews of the film were thoroughly mixed.[121] Bosley Crowther of The New York Times wrote, “There is not an abundance of subtlety or the lately familiar Hitchcock bent toward significant and colorful scenery in this obviously low-budget job.” Crowther called the “slow buildups to sudden shocks” reliably melodramatic but contested Hitchcock’s psychological points, reminiscent of Krafft-Ebing’s studies, as less effective. While the film did not conclude satisfactorily for the critic, he commended the cast’s performances as “fair”.[122] British critic C. A. Lejeune was so offended that she not only walked out before the end but permanently resigned her post as film critic for The Observer.[123] Other negative reviews stated, “a blot on an honorable career”, “plainly a gimmick movie”, and “merely one of those television shows padded out to two hours.”[121][124] [...]

Meanwhile, box office behaved as follows:

The public loved the film, with lines stretching outside of theaters as people had to wait for the next showing. It broke box-office records in Japan, China and the rest of Asia, France, Britain, South America, the United States, and Canada, and was a moderate success in Australia for a brief period.[121] It is one of the largest-grossing black-and-white films and helped make Hitchcock a multimillionaire and the third-largest shareholder in Universal.[126] Psycho was, by a large margin, the top moneymaking film of Hitchcock’s career, earning $11,200,000.[127]

In the first case I mention, then, the box office was poor and the critical reception was grand.  In the second case, however, the critics initially misunderstood the film – and yet the public, unbound by a stuffy attachment to the permissible, loved the transgressive nature of Hitchcock’s art.  So much so that the critics were eventually forced to change their judgement.

Now I’m not saying Ed Miliband has succeeded where Hitchcock did decades before: transgression is not quite where most British politicians are to be found these days.  But I do think, in an analogous way, that – in his recent speech at Party Conference – Ed Miliband was at least attempting to break certain moulds in quite a courageous manner.  The very fact that many people felt obliged to criticise his delivery – and not see his register as conversational rather than traditionally declamatory – does make me wonder if this poor man doesn’t have the hardest job in politics: to sell grassroots collaboration to a political party wary of, and thus resistant to, all such similar promises.

A political party which claims to be the very essence of grassroots politics – and then consistently finds itself in search of yet another charismatic group of fixers.

A political party which could be perfectly positioned to create a new kind of political, social and business environment (as, indeed, Miliband in his speech promised to fight on behalf of) – and yet which generally finds itself dodging and fudging the most insistent contradictions and incongruences inhabiting its core.

Is Ed Miliband’s speech going to be a Hitchcockian achievement?  Misunderstood on its first outing by those who claim to know – yet generally, in the future, to be well received by those who can only vote?  Battling against those “vested interests” which make economies in their own image and for their own purposes is an issue he is courageous to raise.  In a sense, then, perhaps we could say – with his conversation – that Miliband proposes nothing more nor less than that neo-New Labour I was unhappy with the other day: but in a better and far more constructive register; that is to say, all the unfinished business which New Labour was never brave enough to get round to effecting.

First, Rupert Murdoch.

Next, all kinds of “vested interests”.

Finally (who knows …), both an open democracy for all and a conversational politics which actually works.  Which actually makes it possible to sustain adult conversation from generation to generation – in a way that current business, and therefore political, practice would seem to make impossible.

In a sense, I can empathise with Mr Miliband in the context of my blog.  I know I get readers – the stats are there for me to see.  But, rarely, for some strange reason, do they seem to want to comment.  What’s missing from Miliband’s speech, then, is the real dialogue which would make it that conversation I’m convinced he’s looking to have.

All in all, if we’re looking to be reasonably kind, not such a bad week for Miliband.  And if I’m right, and he is intelligently – intentionally – pursuing a different kind of politics, the results, whilst taking their time to properly bed down, may still serve to add a significant value at some time in the future.

*

A footnote to this curate’s egg of a post about what some have called a curate’s egg of a speech.  If Miliband is not able – finally – to implement this sea change in the way we do politics, and Cameron was really looking to guarantee his future after the 2015 general election, the latter could do worse than to take note of the lessons of Miliband’s strategy.  For in conversational politics, there’s far more of a future – and far more of the 21st century – than the traditional mode we’ve all been used to till now.