Mar 082013
 
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The job of a politician, fairly so too, is to tell lies.  That is to say, not tell the truth as it is but tell the truth as he or she would wish it to be.  Politicians deal more in the future than the present.  The present is an inconvenience – it is more difficult to shape and manipulate.  Much easier it is likely to be to convince a voting public that tomorrow may just be the corner we are hoping to turn than to convince them that today is not quite as miserable as it (manifestly) is experienced.

In fact, to take care of a voter’s expectations with respect to the future is probably to take care of how they feel about the present.

The past, meanwhile, is for the irritating elephantine figures amongst us who – with their considerable memories – tie down flights of fancy with a reality all too inarguable.

Better ignored, then, instead of faced up to.  Better proscribed instead of prescribed.

Now we all understand and appreciate, I think, the moments in the political cycle when politicians enthuse.  Tony Blair was good at this; John F Kennedy for the Americans too.  When such salespeople of gloriously word-ridden ideals make our emotions fly with their clever crystallisations of moments in a country’s history, we feel – all of us – that anything might be possible.  Whether in adversity or in a time of great advances, a nation’s spirit – how millions feel about themselves and about their environments – can be productively affected by the simple declamations of political leaders.

In companies, some CEOs can do the same.

And in all these cases, in their upsides and downsides, we encounter both the power of that human spirit to overcome and reshape reality as well as a profound appreciation of the value such people add to our experiences of life.

There is, however, a much darker side to these professional communicators: communicators for some – or, as I said the other day, obfuscators for others.  What do we understand by those moments when such leaders claim to have a quite different relationship with the future – those occasions when they say they are taking hard decisions and proceeding to tell us tough truths?  What is the point of such behaviours – and how do we react?  Bad news seems to travel fast, it is true – but, more curiously, bad news seems, like a cinéma vérité surface of edgy camera angles, to engender its own weight of inarguable veracity.  We seem to believe more readily the depressions of tough political love than the emotions of sky-soaring pleasure.

The question then arises: when politicians engage in such behaviours – the tough political love, I mean – what are they really engaging in?  Knowing, as they must, that whole economies will see their precious confidence exhausted, shouldn’t we be suspicious of any political salesperson who chooses to paint a situation as negatively as they possibly can?

What are they trying to achieve?

What are their true aims?

Isn’t it – simply – a desire to fully manage the moods, and perhaps the overarching ability to fight back too, not only of an entire environment but also of an entire people?

Beware the salesperson who chooses to be that bearer of bad news.  They are only out to control you even more than those who – more normally – only choose to sell you the good.


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Jun 112012
 
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This is how Wikipedia defines the phoney war of the very end of the 1930s and the very beginning of the 1940s:

The Phoney War was a phase early in World War II that was marked by a lack of major military operations by the Western Allies against the German Reich. The phase was in the months following Britain and France’s declaration of war on Germany (shortly after the German invasion of Poland) in September 1939 and preceding the Battle of France in May 1940. War was declared by each side, but no Western power had committed to launching a significant land offensive, notwithstanding the terms of the Anglo-Polish military alliance and the Franco-Polish military alliance, which obliged theUnited Kingdom and France to assist Poland.

Contemporaneously, the period had also been referred to as the Twilight War (by Winston Churchill), der Sitzkrieg[1] (“the sitting war”: a play onBlitzkrieg), the Bore War (a play on the Boer War), dziwna wojna (“strange war”), and drôle de guerre (“strange/funny war”).

The term “Phoney War” was possibly coined by U.S. Senator William Borah who stated, in September 1939: “There is something phoney about this war.”[2]

Meanwhile, over the weekend, a €100 billion bailout of Spanish banks was announced – and the markets, on opening today, apparently felt very positive about this fact.  I’m not clear if we the citizens should feel as cheerful, though.  As I tweeted just now:

To be honest, there’s so much spin around at the moment that I’m immediately suspicious of anything which makes me feel moderately OK.

So let’s run with this idea.  A sense of generalised disorientation; a feeling of widespread insecurity; a lack of understanding as to where the next disagreeable surprise will pop up from … all the aforementioned coupled with the perception that the elites aren’t even able to provide us with the breadcrumbs they used to fob us off with.  How do you expect us to react?

A phoney war indeed.

It’s the sort of situation which surely engenders a societal paranoia.  In my mind, I’ve always connected trust to rust – as inscribed by the story of that Lancia Beta model from the 1970s: once the urban myth becomes one of engines dropping out after a couple of years of hard-won ownership, you have a mighty difficult task ahead of you to regain the support of your clientèle.  And business more widely needs trust in order to function well.  I don’t just mean the banks which lend excessively on what we deposit; I mean any company involved in the business of planning for and selling to the medium- and long-term.  Uncertainty exists enough in life for our politicians and economists to want to exacerbate our perception of it.

What then do we need from our leaders in the absence of any logically-arrived-at understanding that life isn’t quite as bad as it appears to be?  Do we want the balm of massaged porkies?  Do we actually need salespeople at the very top of the greasy pole – even when this seems quite counter-intuitive in the light of current experience?  Are we looking for people to act decisively – even where this might mean they do exactly the opposite of what the hindsight of history would have demanded of us?  Should we trust our existing systems of organisation – or is there time, energy, the political will and enough common sense out there to change everything for the better?

Should we tumble forwards uncontrollably – blithely trusting that the rust of recent past is simply a flaky optical illusion?  Can we ever trust the elites to get their act together enough for their breadcrumbs to once again supply our basic needs – or should we go full-steam ahead in our pursuit of a definitively and sustainably just society?

That is to say, as parents, husbands, wives, partners, artists, workers and human beings various, what degree of ambition should we really allow ourselves the luxury of exhibiting?

Especially when we search for a certain sense and sensibility in a world where – let’s face it – lies have become the standard rate of exchange for that precious currency we used to call truth.


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May 142012
 
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I read this recent story from the Guardian with bemusement:

A former News of the World reporter has claimed that journalists at the now defunct newspaper regularly made up stories and unethical practices were rife because of a “culture of fear” at the tabloid.

Graham Johnson, who worked at the newspaper between 1995 and 1997, said many employees carried out illegal operations and fabricated articles due to pressures from the top.

Yes, with bemusement I say.  Who on earth might have believed it were otherwise?  It’s not only the tabloid newspapers which have operated on a continuum of the truth – most organisations and individuals which like to believe they edit and describe reality as it is are inclined to waver towards and away from a theoretical accuracy.  Therein the importance of a democratic society which depends for some of its freedoms on a supposedly free press.  Getting it wrong in the short-term can sometimes be a requirement for getting it right in the long-term.  We sometimes need to tell lies in order to dig out the truths.

Whether we like it or not, slander and libel are necessary extensions of a healthy democracy.

Journalistic truth is a little like psychosis, surely: the defining line of whether someone or something might be deserving of such a label or not depends on how it affects their ability to function appropriately.  We cannot say whether the tabloids or the broadsheets fiddle about with this continuum I describe more to our advantage or to theirs (though I’m inclined to believe it’s generally to their advantage instead of ours); what we can say for sure, however, is that the truth is neither necessarily to be found between two extremes nor never to be found in the obvious centre.

Sometimes, then, the attempt to tell a truth involves a sticking-a-pin-in-the-donkey’s-tail unpredictability.

Made-up stories in the News of the World?  I’d be surprised if we assumed there weren’t any in our broadsheets.  Just imagine if we lived in a world where truth was guaranteed: how lazy and uncritical might we become.  In fact, either by omission or by default, the truth is malleable and never precise.  Only the winners get to fix our histories; only the powerful to fix our news.

Any mainstream media organisation which tries to imply they are so very distant from what they now allege happened at the News of the World is simply in denial as far as their relationship with the world, and its reality, is concerned.  This is not a post-modern argument I am making: just an observation that our recent past has very clearly demonstrated that the truth is fragile.

And, what’s more, highly dependent on where you stand – as well as with what authority.


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Nov 062010
 
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Wikipedia

Phil Woolas has received a basting (probably in all three of the word’s meanings) for having lied about someone’s character and personal integrity – though not, interestingly enough, their policies.  What the judges don’t make so apparent in their judgement – by a remarkably revealing slip of the judicial tongue – is if it is nevertheless all right to tell porkies about policy.  If the case does go to judicial review I wouldn’t half be interested in knowing whether the question could be raised and resolved with rather more clarity.

Evidence of lies in politics abounds, though.  This Mirror article published today, which describes the massive NHS porkie Cameron appears to be trying to sell us, as his government hides cuts of half a billion pounds, also lists just a few of the U-turns the Coalition government’s partners have already committed:

Vat Rise: Tories said they had “no plans” to raise it. Lib Dems opposed it. George Osborne said it will rise to 20% in January.

Pensioners: Before the election, Cameron said winter fuel allowance and bus passes for pensioners would be protected. Fuel allowance being cut.

Voting Reform: Tories opposed changing system, but signed up to a referendum on alternative vote next May.

Immigration: The Lib Dems opposed a cap on foreign workers coming into the country before the election. They now back its integration.

Police Numbers: The Lib Dems pledged to increase officer numbers in every area. Now forces face cuts of up to 25%.

Tuition Fees: The Lib Dems pledged to abolish university fees. They”re being trebled.

Frontline Services: Before the election, Cameron said: “Any Cabinet minister, if we win the election, who comes to me and says, ‘Here are my plans and they involve front-line reductions’ will be sent back to their department to go away and think again.” Now there are 19% reductions across most government departments.

So perhaps it is time we started collecting evidence of such lies and presenting it for judicial review.  We first need a case which sets a precedent – but once that is achieved, the floodgates will clearly open in what is clearly a rapidly corrupting body politic.

And how should we collect this evidence?

Following and adapting slightly Ivo’s original suggestion, I would propose we do this in the form of YouTube videos.  Here’s an intriguing starting-point, which came my way via Labour Matters and prompted the content of this post – Captain Ska’s “Liar Liar”.

Yes, I know.  You’re going to say there’s nothing new in viral advertising – which is what, in a way, this would constitute.  But I would wish to push the concept quite a bit further beyond simply propagandising our point of view.  I would suggest actually, really, seriously collecting the kind of evidence of deliberate intent that would stand up in court, so that at some time in the future we might use the laws of our land to the benefit of the vast majority of people currently suffering.

Essentially what I am saying is that the Coalition government is in the process of committing a series of avoidable acts and critical aggressions on the subjects of this nation and it needs to know that there will come a time when it will be unable to wriggle out of payback day.

The evidence is already overwhelming.  It is now our moral obligation to collect it and prepare it.


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