I ranted a bit the other day on my own position as a natural immigrant on this planet. In fact, I am as much an immigrant as I am a person with disability – though you probably wouldn’t notice it if you looked at me.
Just as many of us are disabled but silently, so many of us are immigrants but invisibly. There are, in fact, many more of us than you think. You only see those who suffer because of their skin colour. What you don’t know or realise is how many of us have anciently – and recently – invaded your genes, your history, your habits, your cuisine; even your treasured language itself.
The thesis of today’s post runs as follows: to posit any discussion on the issues surrounding economic fracture as issues which require us to address a person’s culture and race is immediately – without exception at all – to create a group of very second-class citizens. To argue that individuals who are supposedly different from a perceived norm have fewer rights – simply because they were born elsewhere and are of a different nationality – is an expression of severe anti-internationalism to a most unpleasant degree. To suggest that some people are more important to a nation-state because their economic contributions are greater is a demonstration of how difficult it has become for all of us to value others in terms of what they are; how easy it has become for all of us to define human beings in terms of their relationship to number-crunching stats and outputs.
To summarise, when we’re talking about immigration, what we’re really talking about is our inability to make an economy work effectively. People who want to “address the immigration issue” refuse to accept that their views on how the economy should operate are as near to bankrupt as makes no difference. Unable to recognise that the mixed economy of the traditional social-democratic state is tottering towards an abyss essentially of its own making, they find it far easier to play silly buggers with people’s identities.
Which is why this happens: you will, on the one hand, from the very same important political mouths, hear voices claiming how ridiculous the thought of Scottish independence must be – even as they argue, on the other, for a reassertion of a national identity they do approve of. An identity which parties must kow-tow to and support because a significant minority of the voters is judged to be significantly racist.
This, then, is what I argue: immigrants are always second-class citizens. We say things about immigrants we never dare say about anybody else. And, these days, we say them more and more often. It seems that Fortress Britain is being re-established on all parts of the political spectrum. Most everyone is now following that significant minority whose powers of persuasion are located in the unhappiest of prejudices: the prejudices that confuse the reality of economic bankruptcy with the symptoms that immigration represent.
Easier to shit on an immigrant than on a banker perhaps? Maybe so. Especially for those who need the political sponsorship of the financial-services sector.
To finish, then, a thought experiment. I’m going to quote from three recent points of view on the subject, but – on International Women’s Day – substitute all references to immigrants with references to women. Let’s see how these opinions then sit – how uncomfortable, perhaps, they begin to make us feel. The first excerpts from the blog Stumbling and Mumbling today. First, the original text:
Sunny says the conventional ways of arguing for a more liberal immigration policy have been unsuccessful. I agree. I also agree that we shouldn’t look to the Labour party to change this. Political parties tend to follow the public mood, not lead it.
Now my version:
Sunny says the conventional ways of arguing for a more liberal policy on women’s rights have been unsuccessful. I agree. I also agree that we shouldn’t look to the Labour party to change this. Political parties tend to follow the public mood, not lead it.
Then we get this – again, first the original:
[...] The strongest foundation for anti-immigration attitudes lies not in economics or hard facts but in an inarticulable sense that migration will change the national character. It’s no accident that there’s a big overlap between antipathy towards immigration and towards gay marriage; both are based upon a conservative disposition which, in many ways, is an admirable instinct.
How do we combat this? Paradoxically, we do so not by being modern metropolitan liberals, but by celebrating our “national story” – by pointing out that immigration is nothing new but part of our heritage. Churchill was the son of an immigrant, as is the heir to the throne.
Again, now my version:
[...] The strongest foundation for anti-women attitudes lies not in economics or hard facts but in an inarticulable sense that women’s rights will change the national character. It’s no accident that there’s a big overlap between antipathy towards women’s rights and towards gay marriage; both are based upon a conservative disposition which, in many ways, is an admirable instinct.
How do we combat this? Paradoxically, we do so not by being modern metropolitan liberals, but by celebrating our “national story” – by pointing out that women are nothing new but part of our heritage. Churchill was the son of a woman, as is the heir to the throne.
The second article I’d like to play this game with was posted on Liberal Conspiracy yesterday. First the original, as follows:
Why doesn’t Labour change the narrative?
This is the question almost every leftie asks. But probe it further and it quickly falls apart, because it is much easier said than done.
Labour is an opposition party which already struggles to get attention. Even if Ed Miliband said everything that lefties wanted, the media would distort it and re-interpret it for their audiences. And how many times would he have to say it before it got through to people?
Furthermore, people hostile to immigration would just ignore the speech and explain away the facts. This is how people react. This is how the world works. Just making a speech on immigration facts, even repeatedly, just wouldn’t do much to change the narrative.
I’m not saying Labour should pander and I’m not saying Labour should bring back the odious Phil Woolas and triangulate. I’m just pointing out that there are practical limitations to how much Labour can do.
Now my rewrite:
Why doesn’t Labour change the narrative?
This is the question almost every leftie asks. But probe it further and it quickly falls apart, because it is much easier said than done.
Labour is an opposition party which already struggles to get attention. Even if Ed Miliband said everything that lefties wanted, the media would distort it and re-interpret it for their audiences. And how many times would he have to say it before it got through to people?
Furthermore, people hostile to women’s rights would just ignore the speech and explain away the facts. This is how people react. This is how the world works. Just making a speech on facts about women, even repeatedly, just wouldn’t do much to change the narrative.
I’m not saying Labour should pander and I’m not saying Labour should bring back the sexist Austin Mitchell and triangulate. I’m just pointing out that there are practical limitations to how much Labour can do.
And another original excerpt from the same LibCon post:
So what is Labour doing then?
Ed Miliband understands that New Labour triangulation won’t work any more. His view has always been that immigration needs to be re-framed as an economic issue (‘a class issue’ – he called it), to help poorer workers at the bottom. He has thus far resolutely stuck to that view.
But you simply cannot take the public with you unless they trust you and think you understand their concerns. This is also basic psychology. So, first, Miliband has to gain their trust with a bit of humility and apologies. Once enough people think he’s trying to solve a difficult issue, only then will they start listening to his solutions.
And another thought experiment:
So what is Labour doing then?
Ed Miliband understands that New Labour triangulation won’t work any more. His view has always been that women’s rights needs to be re-framed as an economic issue (‘a class issue’ – he called it), to help poorer women at the bottom. He has thus far resolutely stuck to that view.
But you simply cannot take the public with you unless they trust you and think you understand their concerns. This is also basic psychology. So, first, Miliband has to gain their trust with a bit of humility and apologies. Once enough people think he’s trying to solve a difficult issue, only then will they start listening to his solutions.
To finish with this:
We are a long way away from the days when Tories campaigned on immigration by saying ‘If you want a nigger for a neighbour, vote Labour’. There is plenty of reason to be positive about the future.
And my tweak here:
We are a long way away from the days when Tories campaigned on women’s rights by saying ‘If you want a feminist for a neighbour, vote Labour’. There is plenty of reason to be positive about the future.
So there you have it. And the third point of view? I am reminded by all the above of an El Roto cartoon from 1996 which the Spanish El País newspaper posted on Facebook today. It shows a professional businessman or typical political sort looking down on a clearly impoverished woman. His demeanour expresses some significant degree of self-satisfied vanity. The speech bubble goes along these lines: “Patience, woman, things are getting better, it’s just a question of centuries.”
To be fair to Liberal Conspiracy, the penultimate paragraph of the post I quote from does properly suggest where the future must really lie. Which is to say, in following the recent US model: here, immigrants have exerted their muscle and gained recognition through political action on their own behalf.
But if any of the above things I’ve quoted from in relation to immigrants are not acceptable to any of us when referring to women and their indisputable rights, then – really – is it not the case that they should not be acceptable in relation to immigrants either?
As a final thought to this rather laborious post (if you’ve got this far, many thanks for having indulged my probably tiresome sensibilities in the matter), where I do find myself in more agreement and substantially greater comfort is in this post which quotes from Compass’s Neal Lawson writing in the Guardian newspaper today:
The problem is not immigration but free-market capitalism, which uproots people from their homes and encourages the best to leave. That denies us the tax base to invest properly in people and places. It’s not a new immigration policy we need, but a new capitalism.
A much better frame than “as so many people are racist, we’ve got to go down the route of centuries of top-down persuasion – and, in the meantime, be grateful for what you are occasionally given …”.
Don’t you think?


