Apr 192013
 
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I’ve had an up-and-down relationship with Amazon over the recent past.  I won’t be so tedious as to link to any specific posts of mine, but if you’re interested in finding out more from my side of a fence I sometimes straddle rather painfully, I suggest you click here and read the page thus generated.

Whether I’m currently in favour of or against the behemoth, I’ve always always been aware that entrusting one’s reading habits to an online agency is tantamount to giving up gold dust to professional profilers.  How much can they know about you in order to one day thus condemn you for the content you silently, maybe unknowingly, perused and absorbed – whilst flitting, promiscuously one might even say, from one digitalised byte to another.

Which brings me to this sad story from the Independent just now, on the subject of the Boston bombings.  It would seem that one of the suspects, now dead, had left a digital trail behind him.  A YouTube account being one; and get this, an Amazon wish list being the other.  As the paper reports, with the caveat of “unconfirmed”:

An Amazon “wish list” activated in 2006 under the name Tamerlan (also unconfirmed) show the suspect had looked at books including How To Make Driver’s Licenses and Other ID on Your Home Computer, Voice Power: Using Your Voice to Captivate, Persuade and Command Attention, Document Fraud and Other Crimes of Deception and How To Win Friends And Influence People.

Pretty convincing, eh?  Pretty damning evidence for anyone capable of carrying out such evil.

Now I’m not questioning anything relating to the investigation itself, which under highly trying circumstances must be a nightmare to live through, both from the point of view of citizens suffering the lockdown of Boston as well as from the point of view of all the security forces doing their level best to sort out the tragedy.  What I am questioning, however, is the casual way that online information of this sort is becoming part and parcel of serious media reporting.  Can anyone reasonably justify the tendentious use of such information in the middle of a mass-murder hunt, for example?  Isn’t this just about the online equivalent of putting salacious phrases in anonymous quotation marks?  By simply placing such “unconfirmed” data in front of the public gaze, we can lead anyone down any garden path we care to.  Never mind all those users out there who thought their wish lists were part of a private relationship with a corporate provider of goods and services.  Never mind all those users out there who’d simply prefer to maintain their sense of privacy, even as privacy seems the very last thing on our rapaciously data-hungry minds.

So just to give you an idea of what I mean, here’s my pretty dormant Amazon wish list (ranging from 2006 at the top to 2003 at the bottom, and – not that it matters now – currently with a privacy setting I assume won’t ever be changed unless I choose to do so myself).  This, then, as it stands today:

1.
The Shape of a Pocket by John Berger (Author)
£6.89
1
0
2.
About Looking​ (Vintag​e Interna​tional)​ by Berger (Author)
1
0
3.
Weekend​ [1967] [DVD] DVD ~ Mireille Darc
£11.00
1
0
4.
Breathl​ess [DVD] [1961] DVD ~ Jean-Paul Belmondo
1
0
5.
Battles​hip Potemki​n [1925] [DVD] Offered by bestmediagroup DVD ~ Aleksandr Antonov
£6.99
1
0
6.
Culture​s and Organiz​ations:​ Softwar​e of the Mind (Succes​sful Strateg​ist) by Geert Hofstede (Author)
1
0
7.
Lend Me Your Ears: Great Speeche​s in History​ by William Safire (Author)
1
0
8.
Culture​ Jam: How to Reverse​ America​’s Suicida​l Consume​r Binge – and Why We Must by Kalle Lasn (Author)
£11.70
1
0
9.
No Logo: No Space. No Choice.​ No Jobs by Naomi Klein (Author)
1
0
10.
The New Rulers of the World by John Pilger (Author)
1
0
11.
Captive​ State: The Corpora​te Takeove​r of Britain​ by George Monbiot (Author)
£8.99
1
0
12.
The World We’re in by Will Hutton (Author)
£12.74
1
0
13.
Media Control​: The Spectac​ular Achieve​ments of Propaga​nda by Noam Chomsky (Author)
£5.24
1
0
14.
Hidden Agendas​ by John Pilger (Author)
£8.27
1
0
15.
Rogue States:​ The Rule of Force in World Affairs​ by Noam Chomsky (Author)
£14.24
1
0
16.
Beyond Culture​ by Edward T. Hall (Author)
£10.99
1
0
17.
Downsiz​e This (Pan paperba​ck) by Michael Moore (Author)
1
0
18.
When Culture​s Collide​: Managin​g Success​fully Across Culture​s by Richard D. Lewis (Author)
1
0
19.
Cross Cultura​l Communi​cation:​ A Visual Approac​h by Richard D. Lewis (Author)
1
0
20.
Explori​ng Culture​: Exercis​es, Stories​ and Synthet​ic Culture​s by Geert Hofstede (Author)
£22.00
1
0
21.
Regardi​ng the Pain of Others by Susan Sontag (Author)
1
0
22.
The End of the America​n Era: U.S. Foreign​ Policy and the Geopoli​tics of the Twenty-​First Century​ by Charles Kupchan (Author)
1
0
23.
Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed​ the World by Richard Holbrooke (Foreword), Margaret MacMillan (Author)
1
0
24.
The Tragedy​ of Great Power Politic​s by John J. Mearsheimer (Author)
1
0
25.
Paradis​e and Power: America​ and Europe in the New World Order by Robert Kagan (Author)
1
0
26.
Adolf Hitler:​ My Part in his Downfal​l by Spike Milligan (Author)
1
0
27.
Third Culture​ Kids: The Experie​nce of Growing​ Up Among Worlds by David C. Pollock (Author), Ruth E. Van Reken (Author)
1
0
28.
The Art of Coming Home by Craig Storti (Author)
1
0
29.
Breakin​g Through​ Culture​ Shock: What You Need to Succeed​ in Interna​tional Busines​s by Elisabeth Marx (Author)
£14.24
1
0
30.
The Lexus and the Olive Tree by Thomas Friedman (Author)
£6.89
1
0
31.
From Beirut to Jerusal​em: One Man’s Middle Eastern​ Odyssey​ by Thomas Friedman (Author)
£8.96
1
0
32.
Longitu​des and Attitud​es: Explori​ng the World After Septemb​er 11 by Thomas L. Friedman (Author)
1
0
33.
The Future of Ideas: The Fate of the Commons​ in a Connect​ed World by Lawrence Lessig (Author)
1
0

 

What about that, eh?  All that stuff about world politics and 9/11 I mean?  What does that say about me now?

Draw your own conclusions … only do have the decency to wait until I’ve committed some stupid crime or another.  Or not, as the case may be.  For remember, a wish list tends to be a list of stuff we haven’t read!  Can we really be fairly criticised for simply listing what might be of interest?

This is serious stuff, isn’t it?  Really serious stuff.  We are getting to the point where we cannot follow our intellectual whims without fear of judgement: where what we read – or simply want to read – defines what we are in the eyes of the state; where content – whether desired or experienced – becomes the linchpin and conduit of our obsessions; and where assumptions are sickeningly drawn about we think, believe and would like to do from what we are inclined to favourite, click and examine.

And it’s a small step from analysing it idly and mediatically after the event, as in the case I describe today of the alleged Boston bomber, to forensically studying and coming to conclusions before the event – before, that is, a crime is actually committed.

Is this all that different from the miasma of control and suspicion that a 20th century Soviet Union exemplified?

Aren’t we returning to awfully Cold War roots?

And mustn’t we really begin to question now the true nature of the liberties that a 21st century of corporate largesse has managed to bestow on us to date?

A society of the free?  When a simple literary checklist is held up in a newspaperly light as an unarguable sign of unacceptable thought patterns?

Whatever next, dear friends?  Whatever next?

Well, how about this thought to be going away with?  On a separate matter, and quite outside the frame of awful bombings, an example of a clear barometer – if there ever was one – of how the freedoms of a society might generally be defined: if art and culture, however shocking they behave, escape the clutches of state disapprobation, we live in a free society.  On the other hand, where even the mildest artistic shockwave brings the establishment to a halt, we must accept that we find ourselves in blindly oppressive regimes.

On such a scale, then, on such a barometer of liberty, and in the light of the blessed wish list in question, how actually free may we see our society at the minute?

Or how blindly oppressive must we recognise its future to be?


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Nov 262012
 
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Dan makes a massively important point today when he underlines the following:

If journalists, editors and owners wish to speak with entire freedom then let them speak as human individuals, without the protection of the corporate form. They will stand full square behind what they say and will assume all the risks that necessarily accompany this freedom. The state will have no special interest in regulating them. But those who wish to contribute to the creation of corporate speech, and so enjoy the protections of limited liability, can raise no principled objection to the statutory regulation of their activities.

Essentially, you cannot enjoy the freedom and right to limit your liability without the corresponding duty to be inspected and regulated in everything you do.

Conversely, of course, this leads us to the following observation: ordinary people – the unlimited liability sort I mean: the sort who could currently lose absolutely everything out of a desire to actively participate in democratic discourse – should perhaps not be so much at the mercy of the same rigid and statutory overviews as described above, in relation to what they say and exchange in virtual-conversation environments such as those which latterday social-media networks create and sustain.

With such an understanding, you cannot seriously argue that the publication of corporately-created speech has the same legal quality – certainly the same moral position – as that which an unlimited liability person generates.

My argument in a nutshell?  If you want limited liability, be absolutely sure about what you say.  If you don’t demand such a freedom and right, as well as the opportunity to make a serious living out of your communications, your corresponding duty to be as precise as possible should be correspondingly reduced.

Legally as well as morally, let it be understood.

So anyone with the legal nous care to comment on such a potential future state of affairs?


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Nov 202012
 
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Yesterday, I wondered if the problem we’re now facing as far as our laws online are concerned relates to US cultural imperialism.  I remember tweeting the following two tweets. First, this one:

I’m seriously falling in love with my perception of the advantages of the US Constitution. We have a lot to learn, I think.

Then, this one:

Problem with the US is that they export their freedoms, but not their rights. No wonder we get so darned confused.

And I think it’s true.  As it slowly dawns on me that we in England – and when I say England all these times I do of course refer to English and Welsh legislation – really do not have too many cast-iron freedoms to speak freely, so I become more enamoured by the American way of enshrining such freedoms in a testable constitutional arrangement.

The truth of the matter, however, is that whilst we have become so very used to the US wanting to export us its mindset of liberty, it has been manifestly incapable of embedding elsewhere the rights I mention above – at least with any permanence, at least here in England.  So we as citizens of foreign countries learn to yearn for the opportunities to participate more vociferously in our democracies – even as our own politicians and political institutions prefer far more for us to dutifully listen than engagedly participate in significant debate and public oversight.

Yes.  This is one example where I would welcome – and I think so would you – the complete and utter consummation of a US cultural imperialism.  If only they could send us, whole and complete, not only their goals but also the tools to achieve them – that is to say, not only the desire for liberty itself but also the rights which accompany its implementation – life would become so much less confusing than it currently is.

As it is, we’re really not sure if we’re in an American frame of fair comment and free speech or in an English (and Welsh) context where we must not only step on linguistic eggshells but must also self-censor ourselves with ever greater care.

A Liberty Conundrum if there ever was one.


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Aug 172012
 
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First Assange; then bottles of water which lead to six months in prison; now the Pussy Riot scandal in Russia.

We’re lucky these things can still happen – at least it means stuff we do still matters.

Words published, violence enacted, music sung, ideas engendered.  The social orders which allow those in charge to organise and structure our lives are more fragile than they allow us to think.

Otherwise, why should they care about the above in the least?

No.  I’m not saying I’m happy that those who have suffered – and are suffering – the consequences of speaking up should count themselves lucky that they are in the holes they find themselves in.  But for the rest of us, patient – and perhaps couch-potato – observers that we are, the fact that words, lyrics and a £3.50 case of bottled water can come to represent such allegedly “wicked” challenges to an unjust society shows there is hope yet that we may be able to re-engineer life for the better.

Yes.  What we do does matter.  Even in our consumer-ridden vacuity of a society.

And I for one am glad that we can communicate with each other when people revolt thus.

A decaffeinated revolution maybe, you say?  A revolution without a proper core?  I’m not so sure.

Perhaps we can even now still believe in bloodless renewal.  And just because it’s bloodless doesn’t make it any less real.

The sword being so much weaker than the pen – in a world, that is, of virtual interconnectednesses.


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Jun 142012
 
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We don’t do, do we?  We watch others doing.  We’re racists as spectators at football matches.  We’re envious as citizens under the largesse of those far wealthier than us.  We watch ever so eagerly as barristers pin down public figures at televised inquiries.  We observe our friends and colleagues spill their lives on social networking sites.

Vicarious lives are not lives properly lived.  The emotions, the sensations, which drive us to extremes – when contained by the four walls of a home or a stadium or a computer screen – would exhibit themselves otherwise if we were getting fully involved.  Yet the future is sedentary – a future where human beings are tied to interconnected gadgets and devices of all kinds.  The future is fat: a fatness born of watching.

Our eyes have taken over from all our other senses.  One day, one generation, one future species the planet awaits, we will be constituted of little more than 360-degree eyes on mobile stalks of omniscient vision.

Our digital cameras, our mobile phones, our TV channels – they are already bringing this all-seeing, all-inspecting, all-knowing frame to our lives.

And yet we know so very little any more of what it is to touch, smell, hear and taste.

Vicariously voyeuristic lives, unbound by other senses: dangerously couched perceptions which make us all less wise, not more; which make us less human, less kind, less able to understand another.

All this seeing is twisting us away from the fullness of what being a human being used to be.  Second-hand car salesmen gaining power at our expense?

It’s really all we as second-hand citizens deserve.

For only when we decide to get physically and directly involved in the direction this world is taking will we have the right to condemn our political adversaries for doing the same.

Just add it up: how much of your day do you spend actively staring at a screen of some kind or another?  Minutes?  Hours?  Mornings?  Even entire working timetables?  And everything funnelled and framed by these screens: no wonder you’ve lost the ability to act.

Guided and controlled; ordered and structured.

All the above is why we need to want to break free.

http://youtu.be/eM8Ss28zjcE


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Apr 162012
 
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Sergey Brin, of Google fame, argues the following:

Brin said he and co-founder Larry Page would not have been able to create Google if the internet was dominated by Facebook. “You have to play by their rules, which are really restrictive,” he said. “The kind of environment that we developed Google in, the reason that we were able to develop a search engine, is the web was so open. Once you get too many rules, that will stifle innovation.”

There are other things in this interview which I do agree wholeheartedly with.  This for example:

He said he was most concerned by the efforts of countries such as China, Saudi Arabia and Iran to censor and restrict use of the internet [...].

To that list, in fact, we might care one day to add the UK.

Especially in the light of other news from yesterday which indicates that the Russians may be planning to embrace similar controls on their Internet in the future.

But when Brin talks about the carve-up of the free and open Internet, I am inclined to want to take the position that Google itself is not entirely without blame.  Brin is clear that some of the forces ranged against his – and our – baby include the following:

[...] the entertainment industry’s attempts to crack down on piracy, and the rise of “restrictive” walled gardens such as Facebook and Apple, which tightly control what software can be released on their platforms.

Whilst I agree that the entertainment industry wishes to have its cake and eat it – for I might argue that if an existing structure isn’t appropriate for your distribution needs, why take the decision to distribute on it in the first place? – the walled gardens of Facebook in particular are surely a reaction to Google’s monopolistic dominance of the aforementioned freedoms it avows it is in favour of.  As I wrote some time ago on the subject of pernicious paywalls, the worldwide web in its native form is a truly beautiful thing:

To date, the Internet can be characterised and defined by two things: firstly, it has been more a space of discourse, more a flat hierarchy of multiple communication impulses, than a controlled business channel of traditional producer-consumer relationships.  Anatomically speaking, more like a global brain with its extensive network of redundant neurones sparking off each other than an intestinal system which helps process a beginning, a middle and an end.

Secondly, its fundamental tool – the hyperlink – has changed how we read information quite profoundly: the promiscuity of search has taken over from the power of a previously framed narrative.  Through that promiscuity, we look for answers to questions which tumble out of thoughts we must – over and over again – addictively pursue.  Neither is that beginning, middle and end predestined any longer – nor, often, repeatable.  The uniqueness of the narrative experience that each user of hyperlinks brings to the often very private storytelling they engage in as they surf the Web keeps millions of people obsessively tied to their PCs at the end of a multitude of long working days.

These two defining concepts – space and linkage – are what have made the Internet the force that it is today.  And for the vast majority of publishers who currently connect to the Web, this Internet is exactly the Internet they need.  They’re not looking for a mass-market reach to publish their content; instead, they have friends, colleagues and interest groups who actually choose to read what they are publishing, and do so night after night without prompting – quite without the seduction of competitions, bingo, free CDs or tickets to the cinema.

Google, however, has built an advertising empire on a set of hidden search algorithms which it allows to be massaged quite blatantly.  From sponsored ads which sit at the very top of its search results to websites and their URLs which creep up the rankings via carefully lodged supporting links from key sites across the web, the industry of search engine optimisation (SEO) is to Google what, in its heyday, the concept of third-party ecosystem was to Microsoft.  It sells the basic idea and principle to eager paying customers; it supports the legitimacy of the search model in question; and, finally, it helps keep other players firmly out of the market – essentially in order that Google, quite paradoxically, might convince a whole planet that when it monopolises the open Internet it is actually making all of us as free as could be.

No mention, for example, of all the data it has collected on us in order that its model of a “free” Internet might be better monetised on behalf of its shareholders.

Now don’t get me wrong.  I’m not saying I like Apple’s business model either.  Nor is Facebook quite what I thought it might be even a couple of years ago.  But I do get the impression that whilst Google’s landgrab did take place on a relatively open Internet, its ways and methods since then have only served to create a simulacrum of openness – a simulacrum where in reality those in power can move their favourite souls up and down the popularity stakes almost at will.

That original dream of Google’s, to make useful information available to anyone, has been gamed, distorted and messed around with – even, I might suggest, and quite arguably, by the company itself.

On such an open Internet, who wouldn’t want to create parallel universes?

Facebook and Apple aren’t the reason we’ve lost that dream.

Facebook and Apple are simply the symptom of Google’s greed.


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Nov 142011
 
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Astonishing:

You couldn’t make this up. Barnet Council already facing trouble for illegally filming residents and bloggers coming to hear a council meeting on cuts, is now  seeking to censor and criminalize bloggers across the nation.

 The council has put in the most ludicrous complaint against a local blogger, Mr Mustard ( real name  Derek Dishman)  to the Information Commissioner claiming he has committed a criminal offence  under the Data Protection Act by not registering as a data controller  because he has made critical comments  about whether some of its officials have real jobs.

And this is also relevant to the rest of us (the bold is the author’s):

According to Barnet the only things bloggers can write about is their own personal data, their own family defined as people related by blood or marriage and their own household, anybody living in their house or flat.

Everything else requires registration and can be subject to legal challenge. The council even found an obscure Swedish case, involving a European Court judgement, against a member of the Swedish church  who released details of a number of local people waiting to be confirmed as why this must be done.

Luckily there has been an extremely robust response from the Information Commissioner.  They have dismissed Barnet’s second attempt with these words: ” If the ICO were to take the approach of requiring all individuals running a blog to notify as a data controller … it would lead to a situation where the ICO is expected to rule on what is acceptable for one individual to say about another.”

“Requiring all bloggers to register with this office and comply with the parts of the DPA exempted under Section 36 (of the Act) would, in our view, have a hugely disproportionate impact on freedom of expression.”

Well.  Thank goodness for that, then.

But the very fact that politicians in a part of the United Kingdom should even contemplate putting up the shutters on social media in such a way does seem to indicate what they really fear in the future: the light of persistent and interested analysis by empowered grassroots citizens who care and know what they are talking about in their own wards and constituencies.

Come on Barnet.  There must be a better way.

We knocked down the Berlin Wall in order to rid ourselves of such idiocies.

Are you really planning to reconstruct it all here on the back of all those British freedoms we so treasured and remembered only yesterday?
____________________

Update to this post: this has come my way via James just now.  It would seem that whilst bloggers are currently safe from the so-called “red tape” of the Data Protection Act, councillors themselves are not.  Eric Pickles’ reaction was reported to have been as follows:

“Councillors and monitoring officers now have to grapple with the latest missive from the Information Commissioner.

Councillors are being told to pay £35 a year to register as a data controller. If you don’t pay, you face the threat of court, a criminal conviction, and an unlimited fine.

Clearly, councillors should respect data protection rules.

But we will be working with the Ministry of Justice to find a common sense solution, such as allowing councillors to be covered by their corporate council registration.

Councillors shouldn’t have to pay £140 over their term of office to be allowed to reply to their constituents’ letters.

This is nothing less than a tax on volunteering

And I wonder if Barnet has done anything about the latter.  Or, indeed, if its attempts – as described in today’s post – to catch out bloggers were actually spurred on by any of the above-mentioned missives from the Information Commissioner.


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Aug 172011
 
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Here’s an interesting document - “A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace”, signed in Davos in 1996 – which came my way this afternoon, on the back of a retweet of one of my posts from the nice anonymous souls at FreeTheInternet.  In my post I argue that whilst censorship is bad enough, self-censorship is worse:

And there is no worse censorship than the self-censorship generated through fear of state intervention – a censorship which refuses to take ownership and is often invisible to the outside world.

And I go on to conclude that:

Censorship of ideas is – above all – inefficient. It may also be immoral – but, above all, it leads to corruption and cover-ups. We don’t need any more of those – instead, we need openness and honesty alongside a shared desire to challenge everything.

Including the established order which – sometimes – terrible events manage to make seem so brittle.

Meanwhile, the declaration of independence which I take is essentially FreeTheInternet’s manifesto starts out by stating the following:

Governments of the Industrial World, you weary giants of flesh and steel, I come from Cyberspace, the new home of Mind. On behalf of the future, I ask you of the past to leave us alone. You are not welcome among us. You have no sovereignty where we gather.

It makes fascinating reading – describing as it does in its very purest form the essence of the wild west web which defines the Internet as a permanent frontier in flux.  In its declamatory style, it reminds me of other powerful political statements – yet in its philosophy I am minded to recall the ecological “twists and turns” of James Fenimore Cooper’s novel “The Pioneers” (you can jump to an analysis of the book here).  For this is a declaration of dearly held values in that finest American tradition of self-help, independence and backwoods’ men and women.

I do wonder if temperamentally I am up to going as far as this declaration would have us go.  But, on the other hand, freedom of speech and free thought are indivisible ideas – in a sense we can easily argue they either stand in their entirety or they fall in their incomplete implementation.

And few governments, it has to be said, truly feel this in their ideological bones.  The only recent example I can think of is that of Norway in the aftermath of the brutal and politically motivated massacre of so many young and clearly politicised thinkers of the human condition.  That anyone in that small nation should wish to continue to support freedom of expression after such an awful event is a sign of their sincerest dedication to truth and intellectual coherence.

One final point.  One of the paragraphs in the declaration – remember it was signed in 1996 – states that:

In China, Germany, France, Russia, Singapore, Italy and the United States, you are trying to ward off the virus of liberty by erecting guard posts at the frontiers of Cyberspace. These may keep out the contagion for a small time, but they will not work in a world that will soon be blanketed in bit-bearing media.

And I am fascinated to see that – then – those responsible for these words did not see fit to include the United Kingdom in their roll call of those who would interfere with freedom of expression.

This, incidentally, for those of you who might not remember, was the year before New Labour swept to power on the back of an enormous groundswell of public gratitude and hope – after years of enduring Thatcherite miseries.

And yet I wonder if now, fifteen years later, the authors of this declaration would so readily excuse the UK from that list of virtual offenders.


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